Nouakchott, Asharq Al-Awsat- Despite his widespread renown amongst political and economic circles, many Mauritanians did not know of Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi, the elected president of Mauritania except through the televised debate in which he engaged with his contender Ahmed Ould Daddah on the eve of the commencement of the second round of the presidential elections held on March 25, 2007. With great astuteness, Abdallahi has managed to dispel rumors and refute the charges made against him since he announced his run for presidency, blaming his political adversaries for the propagation of these false campaigns against him which he said, “are far from reality.”

Known to be a veteran in the Mauritanian government, Abdallahi has occupied various ministerial posts during Mokhtar Ould Daddah’s era, Mauritania’s first post-independence president and the founding father of the nation. This period of involvement extended over seven years and included the post of Minister of Fishing under former President Maaouiya Sid’ Ahmed Ould Taya. Such wealth of extensive experience is unparalleled and it served to place Abdallahi in a unique position.

A descendent of a distinguished religious and scholarly family in Mauritania, Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi received a religious education that still leaves a clear mark on his personality to this day. Many of his colleagues who knew him as an official working with former president Mokhtar Ould Daddah maintain that both men share the quality of avoiding awkward situations, which is the secret behind the stature granted to him by Ould Daddah.

One of the pioneering technocratic cadres in Mauritania, Abdallahi was renowned for his intelligence in school, according to his colleagues. He started school in his birthplace, the city of Alak, 250 kilometers east of the capital Nouakchott and then moved to resume his studies in Senegal and France. He obtained his postgraduate diploma in political science and economics from France, which qualified him to secure important posts in his country immediately following his graduation. These included a position in the planning department before assuming a ministerial post during Ould Daddah’s rule in 1971, a post he retained until the 10 July, 1978 coup in which Ould Daddah was ousted.

The fact that Abdallahi distanced himself from the ideological wave that swept through Mauritania in the 1960s made some describe him as a ‘brilliant technocrat’, add to that the fact that he was known for his strong political background and his bold ideas. He was also one of the signatories of the petition demanding the release of the famous leftist leader Ahmed Baba Miske in 1967, in addition to being described by the oppositional youth movement of the time as, “a close ally from within the structure of the regime.”

Abdallahi’s experience during Ould Daddah’s regime was linked to a number of significant decisions, among them the economic planning policy which was a previously unfamiliar notion, efforts in manufacturing and the nationalization of the iron company Miferma [in 1974, renamed Cominor or Complexe Minier du Nord]. He also played a key role in the Mauritanian-Arab economic relations and was known for his close relationship within the Arab finance circles and the Arab funds, especially Gulf countries such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), all of which he maintains very strong relations with. This is also among the reasons he served as economic advisor to the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development after he was released from jail in 1980 [he was jailed for a year following the coup that deposed Daddah], in addition to being a part of every cabinet reshuffle during Daddah’s regime.

In Kuwait, Abdallahi lived a quiet life for approximately nine years. Those who know him then say that he resumed his work with the Kuwait Fund and was charged with important tasks by virtue of his good reputation. Aside from these duties, Abdallahi dedicated his time to reading, especially books on the subject of Arab Islamic heritage, economic and political studies, in the three languages he knows; Arabic which is his native tongue, English and French. His house in Kuwait was open to all families and members of the Mauritanian community that was living in- or passing through- Kuwait.

But Abdallahi’s residency in Kuwait abruptly ended when former president Taya recalled him back to join the government to oversee the complicated fishing issue – the two men met on the sidelines of Taya’s formal visit to Kuwait. Abdallahi hesitated before the offer that came at the time when the former president had raised the slogan “reform and modernity for the advancement of the national economy and improving and facilitating the national wealth.” Taya sought to fulfill this slogan by means of Mauritanian elements that were renowned for their high competency and integrity, which he employed during the professional experience that the country witnessed under Ould Daddah.

The name Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi became associated with the attempts to modernize the fishing sector, he managed to raise the returns in the economy, however he was confronted by a number of obstacles that hindered him from carrying out his role. A conspiracy was schemed against him, seeking to frame him in a case that investigations proved were false and thus did not mar the exemplary reputation of the man in the field. Sources confirm that President Taya apologized to him personally and tried to persuade him to rejoin the government, however he politely declined and returned to his work in Kuwait. He hardly spent time in Kuwait as the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development sent him as an expert advisor to the government of Niger, the small African nation which Abdallahi made home for 13 years. Throughout these years, he managed to create close relations with the regime and become special rank Arab ambassador in the country that links between West Africa and Central Africa, one which has a strong Islamic Arab cultural presence. He was known within the circles in Niger for his high competency. He was a trusted advisor to the extent that the current president of Niger, Mamadou Tandja, who is said to be of Mauritanian origin always used to praise him to former president Taya saying, “Thank God you relinquished this expertise so that we may benefit from it.”

But despite an alienation from his country that lasted a long time, Abdallahi expressed interest in the political situation in Mauritania. It was said that Taya considered appointing him as prime minister in 1992 after the presidential elections that followed openness towards the opposition because of his good relations with the oppositional parties. However the political climate at the time was not encouraging, Mauritania had just emerged from presidential elections that were marred by fraud and rigging on a large scale. As a result the opposition rejected the results, which only served to increase the turmoil in the country’s political arena.

Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi returned to Mauritania in 2003 during the time in which Taya’s regime was struggling on its last legs in the aftermath of the shock that followed a failed coup attempt led by former major Saleh Ould Hanenna in the same year, which exposed the fragility of the regime. Despite Abdallahi’s lack of participation in the turbulent political life of the time, he still attended the ceremony in which Ahmed Ould Daddah [Mokhtar Ould Daddah’s brother] announced that he will run for president in November 2003, which at the time was perceived as support for him. Since that time, Abdallahi did not appear with Daddah again; his presence at the aforementioned event was considered more of a gesture of friendship and affection than a political stance.

Like his colleagues, Abdallahi was aware that the country was going through a chronic crisis and that the elections would only serve to aggravate the situation, still, he persevered. Gathering some friends, among them former minister Ely Ould Olaf, they formed an observational body with the intention of monitoring the elections. However, Taya objected and was disturbed by the idea, which prompted them to abandon it due to the considerable pressures that ensued as a result. After a year of turbulence Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi’s name appeared once again in the political arena through the initiative that was realized by his friend, Ahmed Ould Sidi Baba, who was also a fellow colleague in the former Ould Daddah’s regime and the head of the Assembly for Democracy and Unity (RDU). The initiative aimed at releasing the country from the stifling political climate, which had reached its climax at that time by means of arranging for a calm dialogue between the government and the opposition. Abdallahi played a key role in activating the national dialogue which was aborted by Taya’s hesitation, who sensed an impending severe political and security crises which indeed did converge when he was deposed following the third coup attempt in August 2005. The successful coup was led by Taya’s director of the national police force, Colonel Ely Ould Mohamed Vall, who is currently the head of the military junta and who was joined by the former head of the presidential guard [under Taya], along with other elements from the military council.

After Taya was overthrown, Abdallahi’s name began to appear more frequently, firstly when he headed various sessions during the national consultative meetings that were organized by the ruling military junta and which was attended by all the representatives of the political parties and civil institutions. All the involved parties agreed upon several issues relating to the conduct of the transitional phase and the organization of legislative and municipal elections that would be part of the next stage. The amendments introduced by the new authority to some articles in the constitution were also discussed, which included reducing the presidential term from seven to five years and setting two presidential terms.

Abdallahi’s performance and contributions were marked by a wisdom that undoubtedly had a significant impact on the success of this transitional stage. Abdallahi’s name cropped up again when he was proposed as the head of an independent national committee entrusted to supervise over the electoral rights of the country’s impending elections, however he excused himself and apologized for not being able to fulfill the task, the position was later assumed by colonel and illustrious diplomat Cheikh Hamad Ould Sidi Baba Meen. Some analysts believed that his decline of the aforementioned position was evidence that he was preparing for a more difficult task that he had not disclosed to anyone – not even those closest to him.

It was less than five years following the start of the movement led by Vall that the political community was buzzing with talk of Abdallahi, 69 years old, as a potential candidate for the presidential elections. It seems that many of the influential figures and the tribal leaders initiated contact with him for this purpose; however Abdallahi did not make a final decision until last July when he made the announcement during a rally at the Palais des Congrès in Nouakchott in the presence of all the prominent politicians, businessmen and members of the civil society.

Adopting a ‘national consensus’ slogan, Abdallahi presented his political project in the form of the search for a formula to consolidate national unity and lead the country out of the prevailing crises in addition to settling the pending issues. This was the reason behind the support he gained from the majority of the political formations, amongst them the El-Mithaq [convention] Bloc, which includes 17 political parties and powerful independent figures, all of which reinforced his chances of winning the elections. Abdallahi ran against Ahmed Ould Daddah, his main competitor but with whom there is a mutual exchange of deep respect.

The nomination of the ‘brilliant technocrat’ who managed to win most of the country’s votes dealt Ould Daddah with a blow after the latter had monopolized the political arena for a whole year after Taya was ousted. Abdallahi sought to forge broad alliances in light of the absence of a strong, equal competitor, in addition to stirring up a significant controversy in the political arena. During this time the former opposition parties accused the military council and stood behind Abdallahi, which, coupled with all the other factors reinforced the emergence of independent organizations that declared their support for the new candidate who alone was deemed capable of creating a national coalition that combines the radical opposition known as ‘al Aghlabeya al Raeiseya’ (the presidential majority) loyal to the former regime, which later took on the form of the unified Convention bloc that followed his political project.

The opposition Coalition of the Forces for Democratic Change (CFCD) strengthened and solidified as the entity that was comprised of 11 oppositional political parties to block the path against what was considered the ‘symbols of the past era’ as all converged under the independent candidate Abdallahi. One of the proposals brought forth to the table was to delegate a candidate under which the coalition could be unified, however the failure of the parties’ leaders to decide upon the figure led to conflict within the coalition which resulted in a failure to unite in the second round of elections wherein there was significant divisions among the bloc and which also considerably served to pave the way for Abdallahi’s electoral victory.

There remain complicated and thorny issues awaiting the new president who has pledged as part of his political project to resolve them, the most prominent of which is Black-African Mauritanians in Senegal who have been slaves for over 17 years. Abdallahi pledged to resolve this issue six months after assuming power [he has promised ‘special legislation’ that criminalizes slavery]. Moreover, there exist a number of suspended issues that demand urgent intervention at their forefront the human rights violations and the liquidations executed by the former president against a large number of black groups whom he accused of attempting a coup back in the 1980s. [Mauritania has an ethnically diverse mix of Arabic speaking Moors, black Africans and the so-called White Moors who are the ruling elite]. According to sources close to Abdallahi resolving this issue will entail financial compensation to the families of victims. The newly elected president has pledged to abolish slavery, propagate a democratic outlook, adopt the policy of the separation of power and spread justice in the newly created institutional-based state. On an economic level, he stressed his determination to fight poverty and reduce social differences, in addition to establishing a real foundational superstructure for the country, and to battle corruption.

However the real challenge facing the new president is dealing with the corruption issues from the former era, especially since most of those accused groups implicated in cases of embezzlement of public funds were still present in the electoral campaign in which he waged against his competitor. This raises questions among some regarding the mechanism that the president will employ to deal with this matter and how he will lead the next phase in the country’s history in light of all these challenges.

It is clear that Abdallahi is relying on some factors to facilitate the management of the country at this present stage – at their forefront is consultation with various political classes. He expressed on more than one occasion his determination to form national consensus on the fundamental issues and his intention to include all the country’s political forces within the framework of this stage in Mauritanian history. He has also made clear that he will remain in power for one term only, which will ease the political tension and unease that had characterized the past era. Forming a national coalition government will be one of the factors to aid Abdallahi in implementing his reform plan, especially since he has stated his desire to establish one, as he affirmed this fact in a press conference that was held following the announcement final results. The newly elected president is careful to point out on every occasion that national unity is the slogan for his political project, which in turn will be based on consultation, fairness and respect for the other.

Within this context it should be noted that in addition to the political forces affiliated to the former regime, Abdallahi is also backed by other parties that were loyal to the old regime spearheaded by Messaoud Ould Boulkheir, the leader of the People’s Progressive Alliance (APP) who is one of the most prominent opponents against slavery in Mauritania calling for equality between the blacks and the whites. Boulkheir announced his support of Abdallahi at the end of the first round of elections, which is something that can enable the president to strike a balance within the new governmental structure that is based on merit, competency and professional status rather than other considerations such as tribal loyalties and regional affiliations such as those that prevailed during former president Taya’s era. This is the basis on which the new government will be formed, as will be the selection of its members and others in government institutions and department heads, in addition to serving as the foundation for diplomatic missions abroad.

On a character level, Sidi Ould Cheikh Abdallahi is known for his calm and poise nature and is closely associated with the intellectual circles of thinkers and literary figures. He is also known for his commitment and piety; he prays regularly in a mosque by his house which he prefers to go to alone for the dawn and evening prayers. Although he mostly favors remaining out of the media spotlight and all the interviews involved, still his interviewers quickly discover the elevated intellectual and political caliber that distinguishes Abdallahi. In press conferences, Abdallahi has been known to transform allegations against him into jokes that help alleviate the political charge that characterizes press conferences during electoral campaigns before giving objective answers to the questions posed without criticizing any specific figures. This, in fact, could very well be behind his ability of winning the favor of the majority around him.